
By Babbler
Date-Expired Medicine
The state of the Supreme Court can be judged from its recent decision. The Court has decided to hear the case related to the dissolution of the House and the legality of the March 5 elections—but only after the elections. This decision raises serious questions. It suggests that the Supreme Court, an independent constitutional organ, may be under influence from elsewhere.
We believe the Court should function independently, and all constitutional bodies should be autonomous. However, in this loktantra, none of the constitutional organs appears to be functioning independently or autonomously. That is why UML Chair K.P. Sharma Oli described it as a “date-expired medicine.”
Petroleum in Dailekh
Should we be happy or sad that Nepal has a huge stock of petroleum products? A Chinese research team, under a grant-supported project, has discovered a significant petroleum reserve in Dailekh. This is certainly good news. But the real question is: can the Nepal government actually explore and utilize these resources?
India does not want a prosperous Nepal. Otherwise, Nepal could have already explored petroleum resources through a partnership with China. One thing is clear—if we initiate a partnership with India, it may meet the same fate as the Mahakali Project.
New Party’s Old Mission
Several key members of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) have quit the party on the eve of the March 5 elections. They have accused party chair Rabi Lamichhane of manipulating party funds and distributing election tickets in exchange for money. The vernacular weekly Jana Aastha has also reported that Lamichhane misused donations sent by Nepalis living abroad.
Lamichhane is currently facing multiple cases in different courts, mostly related to the misuse of cooperative funds.
People are fed up with the old parties, but the new party, RSP, also appears to be following the same path. The fundamental question is: to what extent are the March 5 elections meaningful when the old parties have already ruled alternately and exploited the nation, and the new party seems equally eager to do the same?
A Story About Thieves and Villagers
Courtesy Sharad Raj Pathak, an interesting story about thieves and villagers as given below:
As dusk fell in the village, a commotion broke out—“Thief! Thief!” A gold necklace had been stolen from an elderly couple’s house. Villagers gathered with lanterns and sticks. The thief mingled in the crowd and shouted the loudest, “Look, a thief already at dusk? Let’s go search! Don’t be afraid—I’ll lead.” Everyone thought him honest and brave. The thief led the ‘search’ and took everyone into the forest. By morning, exhausted and sleepless, they returned empty-handed. The thief quietly left the village with the necklace. Only later did the villagers realize they had been fooled. Let’s not become “foolish villagers” in elections.
QUOTES OF THE WEEK
No matter how many parties there are that claim to believe in secularism and republicanism, their objective is the same—destroying Sanatan Hinduism from Nepal!
–Som Raj Pathak
The king represents religion, history, and the very existence and backbone of Nepal and the Nepali people. Therefore, the monarchy must be restored.
–Shashank Ghimire
I see no justification in questioning Baburam Bhattarai, who no longer even has the capacity to contest elections, who tried various tricks to make a sudden bid for the presidency, and whose role in national politics has been fading. Why the media still gives him importance—I don’t understand.
–Lokesh Dhakal
Those fraudsters and foreign agents who, to fulfill their own interests, send children to die, burn national heritage, reduce the country to ashes, and then claim to love and build the nation—no one will vote for them. Whether they win or lose tomorrow’s election, they will burn the country anyway. Beware of these neo-hypocrites—beware.
–Purushottam Dhungel
The monarchy is the guardian of hundreds of diverse communities, all ideas, and all regions. There is no alternative to it.
–Anand Adhikari
Postponing the elections is no longer an option; it is already too late. However, what King Gyanendra has suggested is something every impartial observer would agree with. It can still be acted upon immediately after the elections and the formation of a new government. This is essential.
–Bipin Adhikari
Remembering King Gyanendra’s Democracy Day message, let us ask the Congress and the UML just three questions:
Why was the 12-point agreement signed in Delhi?
On whose prompting were federalism and secularism adopted?
Why were the people’s suggestions to the Constitutional Committee in 2065 (BS) not made public?
–Bishnu Pokharel
The country is immersed in elections, but after the former king raised serious questions about the elections themselves, what now? Neither elections nor restoration? Remove the confusion.
–Gokul Prasad Baskota
The statue of King Mahendra was restored to its rightful place at the main Mahendranagar Chowk by local merchants and intellectuals on Shivaratri. It had been demolished (as was attempted with Prithvi Narayan Shah’s statue in front of Singha Durbar) during the Mughlani/EU/US-instigated regime change of 2006.
–Dipak Gyawali
To save the country, the monarchy has become absolutely necessary.
— Dr. Bhola Rizal
The Congress, UML, Maoists, and Madhes-based parties that have been looting the country for 35 years must be freed from power. They ruled for 35 years, living off state power, allowances, and corruption—amassing crores through political appointments, selling appointments for money, granting tax exemptions, and handing out electricity industries. These are your dark deeds.
–Narendra Bikram Chand
No one worries about the country as much as the king does. Let us reflect on the king’s address. If we are to save and build the country, we must go to elections only after forging national consensus. Politics of exclusion will lead to another disaster.
–Tek Raj Paneru
Photos and news showed the U.S. Indo-Pacific military commander meeting candidates of major parties in the Himalayan region. Such an event would not be possible without the cooperation of the government and the Nepali Army. With what objective did U.S. Commander General Paparo meet political figures from Himalayan areas connected to China? The public must be informed. U.S. activities are increasing in Nepal. Sino–U.S. relations in South Asia are becoming complicated. Nepal’s state power appears fully under Indo-Pacific influence. U.S. interventionism was clearly seen in Bangladesh, where pressure was exerted not to expand ties with China, including threats over trade and arms purchases. Similar patterns are visible elsewhere. Against this backdrop, China has indicated readiness to support Nepal to any extent. This suggests China is prepared to challenge any power trying to pull Nepal into its sphere of influence. Note that U.S. pressure in South Asia is occurring ahead of President Trump’s planned China visit in April, though China has not yet confirmed it.
–Madan Regmi
During door-to-door campaigning today, I had the chance to speak candidly with a mothers’ group. The meeting shook me. In a simple tone they said, “Son, buy us 12 plastic chairs and we’ll vote for you.” I was momentarily speechless. This was not a demand for chairs—it was a mirror of the reality our politics has created. I calmly told them, “Mothers, you don’t need to vote for me in exchange for chairs. Vote according to your conscience for whoever you think is worthy. After the election, I will buy the 12 chairs myself.” They fell silent—not out of shame, but compulsion. It made me wonder: how long will our democracy remain this cheap? We all know votes are bought and sold every election—in Nepali rupees, Indian rupees, and dollars. But bought votes never bring prosperity; they only create five years of regret. Whether you vote for me or not, I will always remain committed and loyal to the soil of Tanahun. Politics is not a transaction; it is a responsibility. Democracy is not a bargain; it is trust. This time, at least let us think: are we looking for leaders who buy chairs, or leadership that builds the future?
–Deepak Raj Joshi
The Election Commission of Nepal’s directive to remove “Hindu nation” and “monarchy” from the RPP manifesto is prejudicial and undemocratic. The argument that these points are not in the spirit of the current constitution is unfairly applied to RPP, while other parties are given a free pass for constitutionally contradictory positions on federalism, electoral systems, and more.
–Mahesh Kushwaha
Out of candidates in 165 constituencies, 83 entered RSP after spending a long time in various parties. Once washed in the RSP “washing machine,” all of them suddenly became clean.
–Suresh Bhandari
We had some hope in a candidate named Ravi, thinking that if he won, something good might happen. But his recent statements have revealed his true face—a narrow-minded fool. The advice given by a farsighted, experienced king for the welfare of the country and its people seems to have felt like poison to him.
–Sudarshan Dhital
It is too early to predict what results the upcoming election will bring. But regardless of the outcome, signs suggest that even running basic governance—let alone development—could become very difficult for the government formed through the election. I hope this assessment proves wrong.
–Surya Raj Acharya
I live in Denmark, I live in the UK—there are kings too. Having a king does not stop development. I am a monarchist.
— Saigres Pokhrel
(1) When Nepal’s foreign minister goes to the U.S. and signs an agreement calling Nepal a key stakeholder in the IPS (2019), and the prime minister goes to China and agrees to the GSI while attending a PLA parade—these are mutually contradictory military strategies or counters to each other.
(2) When Parliament ratifies the MCC above Nepal’s prevailing laws (2023), it points toward establishing a “mini-America” inside Nepal.
(3) When the Nepali Army chief repeatedly attends IPS conferences—strategies designed to protect U.S. interests and encircle China.
(4) When the even more dangerous SPP file is tabled in the Cabinet, and large U.S. military aircraft land weekly in Kathmandu.
(5) When senior U.S. military commanders visit Kathmandu, issue directives, and meet even election candidates.
(6) When, on Army Day, a force equivalent to a company stages a theatrical display at Tundikhel beyond normal protocol.
(7) When the Nepali Army, pseudo-nationalists, and traitors normalize every incident in one voice.
(8) When old parties that passed the MCC grow timid and fear opposing it; the state apparatus seems powerless, like a scarecrow.
(9) When so-called intellectuals shamelessly sing imperialist tunes.
(10) When the so-called “bell gang” resurfaces in a planned way to push the SPP; U.S. youth councils produce leaders; many foundations fund them.
(11) When those suffering from blind devotion and mass hysteria respond to warnings with abuse and obscenities.
(12) When on Bhadra 23 young students fall victim to unknown gunfire and chaos erupts the next day; planners roar behind the scenes while the government and parties suffer ideological death; national heritage cannot be protected and foreign intervention looms.
(13) When truths behind heinous crimes like the massacre of King Birendra’s family and the Madan–Ashrit killings never come out.
(14) When China issues angry warnings due to Nepal’s involvement in “Free Tibet” and activities like MCC and SPP.
Then everything will appear abnormal—Nepal is trapped in a labyrinth, perhaps impossible to escape. Tell me: is this normal or abnormal? You must speak now. If all this seems normal to you, your thinking has been hijacked; otherwise, you are an agent/broker/slave.
–Khildhoj Thapa
Because the Karki government’s “loyalty to foreigners” is illegal and one-sided, it does not appear to be in the national interest for this government to conduct elections.
–Madan Regmi
Those who say King Gyanendra should be legally prosecuted should first be able to prosecute those who hijacked a plane and looted Nepal Rastra Bank, sold factories built during the royal era to India as scrap, killed seventeen thousand innocent people, murdered children, and seized state power unconstitutionally through mob rule. Only then will it be clear who never speaks for the national interest and speaks only for foreign patrons while calling themselves political and constitutional experts in support of unconstitutional governments.
–Dr. Jagman Gurung
Supporting King Mahendra’s 2017 BS step to save Nepal from foreign agents, and learning from veteran communist Dr. Kesharjung Rayamajhi’s cooperation with the monarchy, Cambodian communists accepted restoring the monarchy and cooperating with it to save their country from imperialist agents. At this critical hour, shouldn’t patriotic Nepali communists also learn from world history? Debate is necessary.
–Maheswor Shrestha
History bears witness that after the 2062/63 movement, His Majesty established Parliament through all-party consensus. What does all-party consensus mean? Doesn’t it mean uniting to save the country? Now again His Majesty has called for “all-party consensus”—it’s the leaders’ turn to respond. Those who love the country seek consensus; traitors break it. Leaders, do you love the country or not?
–Rama Singh
If old leadership fails, new leaders come; if old parties rot, new parties emerge; if old systems don’t work, new systems replace them. But if the country is lost, heritage and identity vanish. Therefore, first the sentiments of the king and the citizens must be embraced.
–MP Kharel
His Majesty’s address says elections should be held only after forging broad national consensus to resolve current complex political problems. It does not say elections should not be held at all. The issue is not the absence of elections now—they would have happened in 2084 anyway. The call is not to rush elections that won’t solve the country’s problems. Everyone knows the problem lies in the constitution, and constitutional amendment is impossible without broad consensus; parliamentary arithmetic alone cannot solve it. Constitutional amendment requires a two-thirds majority in both houses. So what is the root of the current crisis? Let’s not drift on empty talk. Isn’t the essence of democracy national consensus? If so, think country, not party.
–Tirtha Prasai
It would be appropriate to go to elections after national consensus—let’s seek understanding first. People died needlessly; elections scheduled for 2084 were moved to 2082. Even if a new government comes after elections, another movement seems likely. Support for the king is being dismissed as just a crowd.
–Yadab Devkota
Gyanendra is a sovereign citizen of this country. He has not said he will burn public structures or bury people he dislikes. He has said that elections without resolving political problems may not reconcile potential conflicts. Doesn’t he have the right to say that?
–Krishna Ghimire
Let the police and armed forces handle internal matters; let the palace handle defense and foreign affairs and internal and economic affairs to the elected government. If so, the country and people might be saved; otherwise, after this election the country could become Myanmar or the Korean Peninsula. We have seen King Gyanendra’s rule—its good and bad can be reviewed. But to preserve his rule, he never bargained against national interests before foreign powers.
—Dadhiram Acharya, political analyst
Political scientist Prof. Krishna Khanal grossly misinterprets by saying “democracy, republicanism—at core they are the same.” Such so-called scholars are constructing false narratives and pushing Nepali politics down the wrong path.
–Lokesh Dhakal
Restore the monarchy and the Vedic Sanatan Hindu state in Nepal as soon as possible, otherwise Nepal and its map will dissolve. What do you have to say on this? Please share your view.
–Ananda
When an American journalist asked B. P. Koirala, “If you return to Nepal, they will send you back to jail—why return?” he replied, “I must return because I promised the king I would. I trust the king, the Nepali people, and my party comrades.” B. P. was a statesman. Politics involves power struggles; there was one between B. P. Koirala and the kings too. But there was royal dignity and mutual trust, and on national identity there was some form of consensus. Today, mutual respect and trust in Nepali politics have broken down; anger and revenge overshadow national interest. In times of crisis, there is a shortage of leaders with the gravity to steady the country. Old and new leaders should at least learn from history.
–Surya Raj Acharya
EXCERPTED AND TRANSLATED BY SUSHMA SHRESTHA.




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