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By Babbler

Will Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda” dare to contest the March 5, 2026 election from Chitwan? It is a risky choice, as Rabi Lamichhane secured victory there twice. Although Lamichhane is currently in jail, his popularity in the area cannot be underestimated. Former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai has already regretted what he called a major mistake—handing over his Gorkha constituency to Prachanda in the last general election.

Prachanda was elected to the House of Representatives from a constituency in Gorkha, thanks to his long-time colleague Bhattarai. Today, however, it remains unclear where a “safe” constituency for Prachanda might be. One possibility is Rolpa, the home district of Prachanda’s trusted lieutenant Barshaman Pun.

After the Gen-Z uprising and the burning of the houses belonging to Prachanda and his daughter, he narrowly escaped harm under the protection of the Nepal Army. Witnessing the shifting public mood and the massive crowds during the September 8 Gen-Z protests, Prachanda hurried to merge his party with several smaller groups—even abandoning the core Maoist ideology. He now speaks of “socialism” under the banner of the Nepal Communist Party (NCP). Be that as it may, the era of the Prachanda craze appears to be over.

Powerful CAAN Chief faces corruption charges

Pradeep Adhikari was long believed to be “above the law.” However, he now faces investigation after the CIAA filed two major corruption cases against him. Alongside Adhikari, several former ministers and high-ranking officials face similar charges. Reports suggest that Adhikari was appointed Chief of the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) after allegedly paying an advance commission to the Unified Socialist Party led by Madhav Nepal. This case is yet another example of how political parties have shielded corrupt individuals.

Reforming Nepal Airlines

More than two dozen international airlines currently operate flights to Kathmandu from various global destinations. Under bilateral aviation agreements, Nepal Airlines should have the capacity to operate flights abroad in at least the same proportional ratio. For this, the national carrier would require a minimum of a dozen narrow-body and wide-body aircraft.

Today, while Nepal sends large numbers of workers overseas and receives increasing numbers of tourists, foreign carriers are reaping the benefits due to Nepal Airlines Corporation’s (NAC) limited fleet. Shockingly, the state-owned airline operates only four aircraft. Expanding the fleet and ensuring effective management must be the government’s immediate priorities.

The Panchayat era is often remembered as the “golden age” of Royal Nepal Airlines, when international routes were expanding. After the introduction of multiparty democracy, the national flag carrier began its steady decline, eventually reaching the dismal state it is in today.

Whenever a new government is formed, the first step of the new aviation minister seems to be establishing yet another “reform committee” for the airline. Implementation, however, never follows.

Nepal Airlines can still recover if the government refrains from political interference and grants operational autonomy to professional management. Reforming the procurement system and removing bureaucratic hurdles are essential. Equally important is the appointment of competent leadership and the introduction of a genuine system of rewards and penalties.

As a national carrier, Nepal Airlines also has a responsibility to serve remote domestic regions—routes that private airlines avoid because they are not profitable. Historically, losses incurred in domestic operations were offset by profits from international flights. Today, the question remains: Is anyone listening?

Courtesy: Social Networks

Bhutan is much smaller and less significant than Nepal in many ways, yet PM Modi seems more friendly and respectful to the Bhutanese King, whereas Nepali leaders hardly receive such a reception. Why? Simply because he is a Royal. I am not advocating monarchy, but I am simply stating the truth. Besides, monarchy seems outdated in the modern era. I don’t believe in any specific system just for the sake of it — I believe only in a system that works for the country and its people. But unlike today–the republicans made us beggars–we were poor but dignified back then, especially during King Mahendra’s reign; and still, we were treated much better by foreign countries than we are now.

-Tim Gurung

Even 30 years ago, these same people were called “civil society leaders.”
Kedar Bhakta Mathema, Kanak Mani Dixit, Khagendra Sangraula, Geja Wagle and Tul Narayan Shah. It means, all those called “civil society leaders” are essentially disguised workers of western powers.

–Krishna Adhikari

Today’s unequal system, which keeps the rich class permanently rich and the poor class permanently poor, can never bring prosperity to the country.

-Uddhav Raj Bhetuwal

There was a famous joker who made everyone laugh. People saw him as a god and made him the president — and today Ukraine is finished. They didn’t understand that the one who created and branded him was meant to destroy Ukraine.

In Nepal too, similar jokers exist — actors who advertise impure refined oil as pure mustard oil if they are paid, journalists who will write anything if paid, activists who would abandon religion and culture if they get dollars…

Some push Dalit-centered provocative politics, some Janajati-centered provocative politics, some rely only on being a successful TV host, some because they burned Singha Durbar, some because they killed people, and some just because they embraced anarchism and extremism.

Many who come saying they will “fix the country” are those who passed MCC, those who drafted it, cheaters, criminals, people funded by Barbara Foundation, and NGO people funded by foreign dollars who cannot tolerate caste or religion.

Seeing all their faces, it seems none of them came to build the country — they came to build themselves. But unfortunately, neither can they build themselves nor can they build the country.

After escaping the King’s authority, Nepal fell into the trap of those running war-crime campaigns for years, and now into the trap of foreign-created opportunists.

As a result, either the two neighbors will be forced to divide the country or a third power will turn this place into a battlefield.

There is only one option to preserve the country:
“The King, and the identity of Kirat–Buddha–Hindu Nation.”

But, like the leaders of the past, today’s new opportunists cannot tolerate even hearing such words. Because they do not want the country’s identity. They want to hand over the entire country to foreigners along with foreign culture.

From this, it becomes clear that these and those are characters working for the same mission. Nepalis who are enjoying life today will only realize it when they see their own ashes — but by then it will be too late.

-Sanjiv Nyaupane

For electricity worth only $12.47 million, Nepal is bearing almost $58 million in losses due to flooding and displacement — totaling $62.5 million.
And Nepal is giving India additional/regulated water during the dry season and flood-control benefits for free.
By constructing this project, the Sushila Karki government seems to be committing a betrayal of the nation.

-Ratna Sansar Shrestha Nepali

If the King was wrong, why do the youth of this country still admire the monarchy? Have you ever imagined that, you party cadres?

The more delayed our understanding of the monarchy becomes, the more we see the country being destroyed. Only constitutional monarchy with democracy can protect the nation and its people — nothing else.

-Shashank Ghimire

Because of these so-called “civil society leaders,” I feel like giving up my Nepali citizenship.
Just start a club/party/whatever and issue statements and appeals every day as you please — why are all citizens’ lives in their hands?
These people do not represent me or my aspirations.
-Trailokya Raj Aryal

We Gurung (Tamu), Tamang, and Thakali are actually from the same community. Those who entered Nepal from the Rasuwa region became Tamang. Those who entered Nepal from the Manang side became Tamu and later Gurung. Those who entered Nepal from the Mustang side became Thakali. The Tamu and Tamang languages are almost similar. Both languages also resemble Tibetan. Gurungs call water kyu. Tamangs and Bhoteys (Tibetans) call water chyu.

In Bhotey, Tamu, and Tamang languages, the word “ta” means horse. We are essentially the cavalry of the Tibetan (Bhotey) King. After the death of Licchavi King Udaydev, the Mahasamanat (Prime Minister) Amsuvarma usurped the throne of Nepal. To save his life, the successor Narendra Dev fled to Lhasa to seek refuge with his sister Bhrikuti and her husband, Tibetan Emperor Songtsen Gampo. To restore the throne for his brother-in-law, the Bhotey King sent Narendra Dev back to Nepal with a force of 10,000 cavalry soldiers. That is how Narendra Dev regained the throne of Nepal. The Bhotey soldiers who came with him settled around the Kathmandu valley and gradually became the Tamang. Until the Malla period, Tamangs were military commanders in both the Nepal and Makwanpur kingdoms, just as Gurungs and Magars were commanders in the Gorkha kingdom. Rinchen Dorje of Temal was not a king; he was actually a kilidar (fort commander) of the Sen dynasty of Makwanpur.

In the segrang funeral songs of the Gurungs, it is clearly mentioned that Gurungs migrated from regions higher than Tibet — from around Lake Kokonor (O-Qo-Nar lake in Mongolian, today famous as Qinghai Lake) — moving downward until they reached Nar and Phu villages of Manang, then crossed the Himalayas and arrived at Kholasonthar of Lamjung, from where they spread across the Gandak region. In the royal courts of Gorkha, Kaski, Lamjung, Nuwakot (Syangja), and Tanahun, Gurungs held high posts as ministers. According to the Gurung religious scriptures, Gurungs are forbidden from sitting on the throne. It is believed that a Gurung king brings misfortune. Earlier, Gurungs accepted Ghale as king, and later accepted Magars and Thakuris as kings to run the state. This is why I still have no objection to recognizing King Gyanendra as the king.

After Gorkha conquered Nepal and Makwanpur, the Gurungs, who were of the same original stock, gained prominence while Tamangs lost influence. Until the rise of Bhimsen Thapa, Gurungs were powerful ministers in the Gorkha administration. After Kaji Narsingh Gurung was executed, the presence of Gurungs in the royal court disappeared. During the Rana era, Gurungs were categorized as “non-enslavable matwali” while Tamangs were categorized as “enslavable matwali” — leading to even harsher discrimination against Tamangs.

If Gurungs and Tamangs are descendants of the Bhotey (Tibetan) army, Newars are descendants of the Licchavis who came from Vaishali (present-day Bihar). Ari Dev Malla was a minister of those Licchavis, and Jayasthiti Malla was a Maithil son-in-law — this is clearly written in history. Taleju goddess was brought by the Karnat dynasty (present-day Karn caste of the Madhes region) from Simraungadh (Bara/SIMRA) in a full pot of sacred water. In that sense, is it acceptable or not to call Newars Madhesi or Bihari? The question is legitimate.

As for the Khas people, they have been plowing the land of the Bheri–Karnali region for tens of thousands of years. In the Mahabharata, it is clearly written that the Khas and Kirats fought on the side of the Kauravas. In that sense, the true indigenous people (Adivasi-Janajati) of Nepal are actually the Khas. But the irony is that Newars, who arrived recently from Bihar, and Gurungs–Tamangs, who descended from Tibet, are labeling themselves as “indigenous” while insulting the Khas by calling them outsiders and refugees. It is shocking to see such things. No matter how bitter it sounds, this is the truth. Many who don’t know these facts may attack me for saying this. But I don’t care at all.

And finally — “Proud to be Bhotey.”

–Apil Gurung

Excerpted and translated by Sushma Shrestha.