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By Babbler

A banner headline recently appeared in Gorkhapatra Daily, the government’s mouthpiece, expressing satisfaction over the registration of 123 political parties, with 32 more in the pipeline.
If 123 new industries had been established, there might have been something to celebrate. But political parties—unlike industries—produce nothing. They manufacture only corrupt leaders who repeatedly deceive innocent Nepalis.

Let’s look at our closest neighbor, China. A few decades ago, China was a poor nation, at a time when Nepal was exporting agricultural products abroad. Today, China has emerged as the world’s second-largest economy and a global power capable of challenging the United States.
We must acknowledge the Chinese vision, political leadership, and the hard work of the Chinese people.

Sadly, we failed to learn from China—or even from India. Instead, we continue to believe that INGOs will somehow make Nepal prosperous.
We have adopted an expensive system of democracy that has pushed Nepal deeper into poverty, while our leaders, serving foreign interests, continue steering the nation toward stagnation.

OLI’S “PATH TO PROSPERITY”

UML Chairman and outgoing Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli expresses no symoathy over the deaths of 76 Nepalis—many of them youths—killed during the suppression of the Gen-Z protests.
Within his party, Oli exercises absolute authority, and he ruled the country in the same authoritarian manner. He seems convinced that he is always right.

Our non-visionary political leaders have destroyed the nation by crippling every state institution. The government-run education sector, in particular, has been heavily politicized—as if universities exist to manufacture political cadres. At Tribhuvan University, strikes occur so frequently that, out of 365 days, productive academic days are rare. Most TU-affiliated colleges have effectively become factories producing party loyalists.

Now, Oli has announced that UML’s student organization will soon expand into all private colleges as well. One must ask: Is this really the path to prosperity?

UML’S NATIONWIDE DEMONSTRATION

UML may be out of government, but it is showcasing its strength on the streets nationwide through motorbike rallies. In Nepal, organizing such rallies is easy. Participants openly stated that they joined because they were given a full tank of petrol and money for meat and rice.

Political leaders exploit their workers’ poverty—buying loyalty with a few liters of petrol and a plate of mutton rice. Perhaps this, in their view, is what “socialism” looks like.

PRACHANDA’S ADMISSION

In an interview with a local television network, Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda” admitted that keeping a few crore rupees at home is not surprising.
According to him, “Friends support us, and I ask my friends to keep such supported money.”

During the Maoist “People’s War,” more than 17,000 innocent Nepalis lost their lives in pursuit of the party’s dream of establishing total socialism in Nepal.
If this is how Prachanda practices socialism, then the sacrifices of thousands were tragically in vain.

RELUCTANCE TO SUPPORT THE GOVERNMENT

It is unfortunate that during the Gen-Z unrest on September 9, several historic and significant public buildings—including Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court, and the Parliament building—were set on fire.
According to initial estimates, public and private properties worth trillions of rupees have been destroyed.

If every citizen were to contribute even a small amount, the government could rebuild these important national structures relatively quickly. However, there is little enthusiasm among the public to donate to this noble cause. People believe that corrupt leaders will misuse the funds, as has happened many times in the past.

These same political leaders speak loudly about establishing socialism, yet the government imposes some of the highest taxes in South Asia. A vehicle that costs two or three lakh rupees in India costs nearly two million rupees in Nepal. One can only imagine the profit margin the government extracts.
Despite this, the government shows no interest in reducing its excessive expenditures—especially the costs of maintaining political leaders who exploit the federal system for personal gain.

Given this context, it is understandable that citizens are hesitant to contribute or assist the government in reconstruction efforts.

COURTESY SOCIAL NETWORKS

 About sixty or sixty-five years ago, Dasharath Stadium was built. King Mahendra’s government also built the airport around the same time. The national budget was very small, yet how were the East–West Highway and other major infrastructures constructed? How long must it have taken to build the Arniko Highway connecting China? There must not have been sufficient budget to complete Tribhuvan Highway and Prithvi Highway either. Who had the foresight to preserve Khulamanch (Open Threater) as an open space? From where did the rulers get the vision to allocate that huge hill in Balkhu for the university? Who had the awareness to set aside hundreds of bighas of land in Chitwan for an agriculture campus and research? Today, that very land is being erased to build the Dhurmus Stadium. It must have cost a lot to build Bir Hospital, Kanti Hospital, and Teaching Hospital. From the National Dance Theatre to the Nepal Academy, who envisioned these as national necessities? Who initiated technical schools in different places, the Exhibition Road, the National Assembly Hall, and the long rows of campuses? Today, electric buses run only on inauguration day, but who had the wisdom to run trolley buses decades ago? How were massive programs—from malaria eradication to resettlement—successfully implemented? From where did the idea arise to develop industrial corridors like Biratnagar to ease import and export? How were all these achievements possible with such a small national budget? And how did we even muster the confidence to establish a regional organization like SAARC on our own initiative?

Today, we constantly fear the dominance of powerful nations. How did Nepal remain independent in a time when countries were swallowing other countries? It fills us with pride to recall that once upon a time, there were direct flights from Kathmandu to Europe; today, we must travel via India. There are still photographs of our rulers being received by the British Queen and the American President right on the station platform. We, as a nation, were capable of imagining comprehensive development six decades ago. But now, how has it come to a point where completing even a simple drinking water project takes twenty years? How did we, who once understood the meaning of national dignity, become so weak that we cannot even test our vegetables for pesticides? Doesn’t it sting? Whatever great and prideful projects were completed, they were all built during the king’s time. What has been built since then? Even the Melamchi project, initiated during the monarchy, has still not been completed—yet people say the kings did nothing.

Laxman Datta Subedi

Remember Great King Prithivi Narayan Shah’s Dibbya Upadesh: “Security agencies must remain loyal to the people. Do not take the court’s money to the palace; use it properly feeding the sages and monks”.

“Above me is my nation; dearer than me is my nation.”

Karma Sherpa

Nepal urgently needs a reliable and strong center-right political party. Nepal, by its nature, is a center-right society. But we imposed far-left and center-left ideologies upon it. From extreme left to moderate left, Prachanda has remained at the center of leftist politics for the past 30 years. He has influenced and reshaped all political parties and civil society—from the old to the new—into “Prachanda-Path” thinking. Yet all these Prachanda-Path followers do not hesitate to criticize him; they are all striving to prove, “We are greater revolutionaries than Prachanda.” For any society and politics to remain balanced, both center-left and center-right forces must be strong. Sadly, in Nepal, the society is center-right, but the country has not a single trustworthy and strong center-right party. As a result, Nepali society is confused and full of contradictions. The biggest challenge for the 35-year-old Rastriya Prajatantra Party is to prove that it is the reliable and strong center-right party Nepal needs. To restore balance in society and politics, Nepal must build such a party—which those claiming to be center-right have repeatedly failed to do. The only formula for success is reducing the contradiction between our ideals and our actions. The politics of “winning individuals while losing the nation” must end. Ultimately, the answer is honesty, honesty, honesty. If people are forced to choose among crooks, they will choose the “strong crook” from whom they gain some benefit. Why choose a weak crook? The important question now is: How do we build a center-right party that embraces the “Prithvi Path,” saves the nation, and earns the people’s trust? Everyone must rise above ego and self-interest and think seriously. Otherwise, in the absence of such a party, perverted and toxic leftism will engulf society, politics, and the nation—creating a crisis of existence.

Rabindra Mishra

I was born in a sovereign country preserved by the monarchy. My childhood was spent under the guardianship of the king, where there was freedom, originality, belonging, and the unity of Nepaliness woven through cultural diversity. Those were golden times. But in the name of republicanism, everything was taken away. And still the killers say it is not enough. For 35 years, they hollowed out the nation, played Holi with the blood of innocent young children during their rise, and now they are again organizing to further destroy the country. If we still keep walking around chanting “my party, my leader,” who else but we ourselves will suffer? This is a battle between nationalists and traitors. The time has come to choose a side.

Bidhya Koirala Tamrakar

We are 142 ethnic communities—let us unite through our art, culture, and traditions. We are organic ethnic groups, and thus we have love for the land. The “Dalé” are not organic; that is why they are ready to flee. Now, patriots must fight against traitors, and justice-loving citizens must fight against the corrupt.

Prem Magar

At a time when Nepal’s national identity itself is in crisis, when we call for “national unity” to preserve dignity, peace, self-determination, sovereignty, and existence, so-called intellectuals and media agents accuse us of being “regressive.” If “national unity” is framed as regression, where is the country being led? Let us reflect. Those opposing national unity are not “intellectuals” but “parasites.” They are not journalists but agents. If the photo of King Prithvi Narayan Shah causes them headaches, let it not only ache—let it explode. The Nepali people will walk the Prithvi Path, the path of national unity. We will preserve national unity and protect the nation’s existence.

Dr. Mukul Dhakal

Investment in one’s own company, one’s daughter and relatives named among the accused, pleading in court to prevent extension of investigation, being both attorney general and decision-maker, and giving a final verdict that a case need not proceed—all this by a “nepo baby,” while the government that speaks of fighting corruption and ensuring accountability remains silent. Meanwhile, the Gen-Z activists lie in a coma.

KP Dhungana

(Regarding Tribhuvan University’s Laboratory School) The TU must negotiate not just with the school management but also with the government to return the school under its authority. Just as the government does not allow medical colleges without their own hospitals, similarly, colleges of education must be required to have mandatory teacher-training schools. The Education Faculty campus in Kirtipur is not even one and a half kilometers from the Laboratory School; it should fall within TU’s 108 ropani land.

Bhiktar Pradhan

A man who has already become prime minister four times reveals his understanding of education through such decisions. They turned government schools into political factories, and now they want to expand the ANNFSU into private schools as well. If schools become party contact offices, what remains?

Bishnu Pokhrel

(In response to the governor’s claim that we have enough reserve) Nepal has enough money, yet it does not buy more aircraft, does not build Budhi Gandaki (1,200 MW), does not speed up the fast track, does not run trains, does not build tunnels, does not raise poultry in empty sheds, does not reduce bank interest rates, and does not revive the stock market. Why?

Panta Nava Raj, PhD

Carrying a Nepali citizenship certificate alone does not make one a Nepali; one must also carry a sense of duty toward Nepal. People can become UML, Maoist, or Congress supporters, but they cannot become Nepali in essence, because being Nepali is something one is born into, not manufactured.

Shashank Ghimire

The unity formed out of anger toward UML and Chairman KP Sharma Oli may give critics a common platform, but like adding minus to minus, the result will always remain minus.

Bishnu Rijal

Look—123 parties have already been registered, and 32 more are in process. These people are digging their own pit. Nepalis keep splitting and failing to agree on even small matters, leading to an endless race to register more and more parties. At this rate, under the protection of elderly leaders, the same corrupt leaders and their circles will return to power again. The goals of the Gen-Z movement will be lost, and if the old corrupt parties return to power, they will overturn all the positive decisions and actions of the current cabinet.

Mahabir Pun

The kingdom preserved the nation: During the Cold War, the United States did not recognize Nepal as an independent country, Russia considered it a part of India, and China claimed Mount Everest as its own. The king traveled to these countries and ensured Nepal was recognized as a sovereign nation at the United Nations. Let us not forget.

Bhumi Raj

(Excerpted and translated by Sushma Shrestha)