By P.R. Pradhan

A drastic political shift unfolded within 24 hours in Nepal. Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli tendered his resignation and is believed to be seeking protection under the Nepal Army. The Gen-Z-led movement against corruption and restrictions on social media has succeeded in forcing corrupt leaders to step down. However, the situation remains uncertain, with speculation that foreign powers are maneuvering behind the scenes with their own agendas.

Kathmandu witnessed the burning of public property, yet the organizers of the Gen-Z movement have consistently urged protesters to avoid violence and protect public assets. Their message is clear: this movement is not about destruction, but about rebuilding the nation on the pillars of integrity and accountability.

For decades, the older generation in power drained the nation. Obsessed with wealth accumulation and ensuring luxurious lives for their families, they ravaged the country’s economy, bureaucracy, and even its foreign policy. Under their leadership, Nepal’s international stance was unclear and inconsistent.

Now, with the fall of these entrenched leaders, a great responsibility rests on the shoulders of Generation Z. They must rise to the occasion and work toward building a vibrant, transparent, and progressive Nepal.

How those corrupt leaders played with the country’s foreign policy, let’s give a glance.

President Ramchandra Paudel accepted China’s invitation to attend the 80th anniversary of the end of the World War II and the victory parade but later cancelled his visit, despite the host country preparing for his arrival. Similarly, Foreign Minister Dr. Arzu Rana Deuba skipped both the SCO Summit in Tianjin and the Beijing victory parade, citing her need to attend the Gaura festival.

In contrast, former Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli attended both events. Yet, he faced criticism at home for participating in the military parade, with some fearing it might upset Japan, a key development partner of Nepal. Oli is also being criticized for Nepal’s commitment to China initiated Global Security Initiative (GSI), which the Westerners have defined as a security alliance.

Nepal officially follows a non-aligned foreign policy, based on equal relations with all nations and a commitment to avoid any military or security alliances. However, the country’s actions often contradict this principle. Nepal once expressed interest in the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Strategy, widely seen as countering China, which sparked significant domestic backlash. Nepal declined to participate in an India-led BIMSTEC military exercise, citing non-alignment. Yet, the Nepal Army continues to participate in the U.S.-sponsored Indo-Pacific Army Chiefs' Conference.

Such contradictions raise questions about Nepal’s consistency and strategic direction in foreign policy.

Thousands of Nepali Gorkhas continue to serve in the Indian and British armies under a historic agreement. This includes a commitment that Gorkha/Gurkha regiments will not be used against neighboring countries. Yet, Indian Gorkhas were deployed in the 1962 Indo-China war, during which many Nepali nationals were captured by Chinese forces.

Today, Gorkha soldiers are stationed at the India–Pakistan Line of Control, potentially engaging Pakistan, a country considered friendly by Nepal.

The British Gurkhas were deployed in the Falklands War, Afghanistan War, and elsewhere.

Despite clear violations of the original understanding, Nepali intellectuals and political leaders rarely speak out. The contradiction between Nepal’s stated neutrality and the use of its citizens in foreign wars undermines its non-aligned position.

Nepal has fought wars with both China and Britain, as recorded in history, yet today maintains cordial relations with both. Nepal even observes the day it defeated the British forces, while still enjoying friendly ties with London.

China and Japan fought during World War II, but that hasn’t stopped Indian PM Narendra Modi from visiting Japan and attending China hosted summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Likewise, Japan and the U.S. — once bitter enemies during WWII — now maintain close ties, including a military alliance and U.S. troop is stationed in Japan.

If Japan does not hold a grudge against the U.S. for dropping atomic bombs, why should Nepal avoid participating in China’s victory day parade? The argument that attending such events offends Japan lacks merit. History should be acknowledged, not used to justify diplomatic absence.

The Global Security Initiative (GSI), launched by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2022, is based on six principles: Common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security; Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity; Adherence to the UN Charter; Recognition of all countries’ security concerns; Peaceful resolution of disputes; Focus on both traditional and non-traditional security (e.g. cyber, health, environment).

None of these principles are harmful to Nepal. In fact, they align with Nepal’s long-standing diplomatic values. Whether or not Nepal formally supports GSI is not the real issue — the real concern is Nepal’s lack of a clear, consistent foreign policy direction.

Nepal claims to follow a non-aligned, neutral foreign policy — but in practice, its actions often reflect confusion, inconsistency, and a lack of strategic coherence. Cancelling high-level visits last-minute, skipping key summits for personal festivals, and staying silent on the misuse of Nepali citizens in foreign wars all point to institutional weakness and poor diplomatic planning.

If Nepal wants to be taken seriously on the global stage, it must move beyond symbolic rhetoric. A principled foreign policy is not enough — it must be backed by coherent, credible, and professional diplomatic behavior.