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By Our Reporter

Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML while deciding to forge their coalition argued that they came together to amend the constitution so that stability could be maintained in the country.

They have blamed the proportional representation(PR) electoral system for the instability as no party could garner majority in the House of Representatives and all seven provincial assemblies. In the 275-member House of Representatives 165 are elected under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system and 110 under PR system.  And if a party won even 90 seats under FPTP, it cannot win majority seats of 138 even if it wins 45 seats under PR category. However, winning 45 seats under PR is almost impossible for a big party.

Similar is the situation in provinces. For example, in 93-member Koshi Provincial Assembly 56 members are elected under FPTP system and 37 under PR. However, a party cannot win 47 seats alone if it win 35 seats under FPTP system. When a single party cannot bring majority, the government often becomes unstable.

And the NC and UML has floated an idea of correcting this faulty electoral system. However, the CPN (Maoist Centre) and other smaller parties have objected to their plan, because the smaller parties benefit from PR electoral system.

In his address while seeking vote of confidence on Friday last week, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal strongly objected the constitution amendment plan and expressed his commitment not to allow the two parties to amend the constitution, which he said, was promulgated because of the movements of his party.

While the smaller parties are against amendment to the constitution, the NC and UML lack a two thirds majority in the present parliament. They could manage a two thirds majority in the House of Representatives in the support of Rastriya Prajatantra Party and the Madhes-based parties, they lack majority in the National Assembly, and to make any amendment to the constitution, a two thirds lawmakers of both the Houses should endorse the proposal.

To prove majority in the NA, the two parties need to reduce the size of the CPN (Maoist Centre) and the CPN (Unified Socialist) in the NA, for which they need to wait the election of the one third members of NA, which will take place in March 2025.

Again, the two big parties should prepare themselves to face the street protest of the Maoists, small parties and ethnic groups while trying to amend the statute. As such, it is not that easy to make amendments to the constitution.

Nine years after its promulgation, the constitution’s shortcomings and inconsistencies have become evident. A severe review of the constitution’s implementation is necessary, and reforms and amendments must address these issues. The constitution should be seen as a dynamic and living document, not merely a source of problems. This A good constitution alone does not ensure good governance; it requires competent, sincere and committed leaders.  But these are what we are lacking.

A significant debate revolves around whether to reduce the seats allocated for proportional representation in the House of Representatives. The proportional representation system was designed to ensure fair representation for women, Dalits and marginalised communities. Removing this system altogether, or even reducing its weightage, without addressing the underlying issues of representation, would be inappropriate and counterproductive.  It was what Dahal argued in the House on Friday last week.

The fault lies not in the electoral system but in the political leadership that constantly changes alliances.

Still, reducing the number of Members of Parliament (MPs) is necessary. The House of Representatives (HoR) currently has 275 seats, and the Provincial Assemblies together have 550 seats. The large size of the HoR and the provincial assemblies has resulted in huge expenses. The first-past-the-post (FPTP) voting system should ensure that everyone is directly elected, and the number of MPs should be adjusted accordingly. Reducing the number of MPs elected through the proportional electoral system—currently 110 in the HoR and 220 in the provincial assemblies—will also address the high costs associated with federalism. However, in the FPTP system, those elected via the proportional electoral system, such as women, Dalits and other marginalised communities, should be addressed with reserved constituencies. In such cases, elections should be held exclusively within these groups.