Spread the love

By Our Reporter

The coming together of Balen Shah, Rabi Lamichhane, Kulman Ghising, and several Gen Z campaigners marks a turning point in Nepal’s pre-election politics. What began as street pressure and informal coordination has now taken the shape of formal party politics, with Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) at the center. For an RSP that has looked shaky in recent months, this unity acts as both rescue and risk.

RSP needed a reset. Rabi Lamichhane’s legal troubles, internal unease, and fading popularity had slowed the party’s momentum. The entry of Balen and Kulman have somewhat changed that picture. Balen brings visibility and credibility in urban centers, especially Kathmandu Valley, where his mayoral record is still a talking point among citizens and voters. Kulman has now added reach beyond cities, into the eastern hills and among indigenous groups who once saw him as a possible independent voice. Together, they give RSP a wider footprint and revive its claim of being a national force, not a party limited to Chitwan and select urban pockets.

This unity also shifts the power structure inside RSP. Until now, the party moved largely around Rabi’s personality and command. With Balen named prime ministerial candidate and Kulman elevated as second ranked leader and party’s parliamentary leader, authority no longer rests in one hand. That can help RSP grow up as a party, with debate and shared ownership. It can also invite friction. Strong personalities with their own followings do not always adjust easily, especially when pressure mounts during campaigns.

Balen’s placement at the front is a clear calculation. RSP knows that Rabi’s appeal has limits outside loyal supporters. By projecting Balen as the face of government leadership, the party tries to calm undecided voters who want change but worry about legal and ethical clouds around the chair. This may work in cities and among young professionals. Yet Balen carries his own baggage. His confrontational tone, reliance on social media, strained ties with institutions, and questions over his role during the September Gen Z protests have unsettled even some of his early supporters. Inside RSP, party workers used to clear orders may struggle with his independent way of working.

Kulman’s position is even more sensitive. Many of his supporters hoped he would build a platform that spoke directly for identity based and marginalized concerns. By stepping into RSP leadership, he risks blurring that promise. In indigenous circles, the question is already taking shape, will Kulman shape RSP, or will RSP absorb him? If identity issues take a back seat to seat math, frustration will rise fast. That space will attract others, including figures like Harka Sampang, who already speak that language with clarity.

The Gen Z base that pushed hardest for unity now faces its own test. A section of young activists, led by figures like Sudan Gurung, sees unity as a win in itself. For them, watching familiar leaders share one stage feels like progress, and older parties suddenly look cornered. Yet hesitation runs deep. Many youths did not mobilize simply to reshuffle faces. They spoke about clean conduct, respect for law, and fairness. Rabi’s unresolved cases, his sharp rhetoric, and RSP’s growing links with established political families sit uneasily with that spirit. Past power sharing with Maoists and UML still lingers in memory. The entry of Balen and Kulman does not erase those doubts.

Season of unity, realignment

The ripple effects new unity in RSP are clear and visible beyond the party. This unity puts pressure on older parties and their leaders, who now face a consolidated challenge rather than scattered rivals. A few days ago, RPP-Nepal chair Kamal Thapa decided to return to his older party- the RPP, which will give a strong position to those believing in monarchy and the Hindu state. It has also pushed others toward alliance politics or mergers and unity. The two Madhesh centric parties, the JSP Nepal and LSP have now agreed to unite. Many leaders from Ashok Rai-led JSP have returned to JSP-Nepal. Ranjita Shrestha’s Nagarik Unmukti Party has merged with Prachanda’s camp. The pattern suggests more to come. There is a real chance that Nepali Congress and UML will join hands, sharing seats to blunt the challenge from this emerging bloc.

Nepal’s politics has seen many such moments. Alliances form fast when elections near, driven by fear as much as hope. Some succeed, many fall apart once votes are counted. This unity sits on that edge. If RSP uses this moment to settle its internal lines, speak clearly on policy, and show restraint in power, it can grow into a serious alternative. If it runs only on anger against old leaders and faith in popularity, cracks will show quickly.

For now, Balen, Rabi, Kulman, and their Gen Z backers have changed the picture of coming electoral contest. Older parties will not have an easy March 5 contest. The coming weeks will show if this unity can move beyond tactics and turn into trust, inside the party and among voters.

To conclude, despite what appears on the surface, foreign powers seem to be actively influencing Nepali politics from behind the scenes. The involvement of the Barbara Foundation in reshaping the RSP is clearly evident. It is now apparent that India, China, the European Union, and the United States are in direct strategic confrontation in Nepal.