
By P.R. Pradhan
Of late, Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah joined hands with Ravi Lamichhane, chairman of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP). Kulman Ghising, patron of the Ujyalo Nepal Party, has also chosen to join the RSP as its vice-chairman. Ultimately, this alliance brings together individuals who supported the MCC project and who are perceived to be receiving overt or covert backing from the American deep state. Such an alliance has emerged in opposition to the traditional political forces.
No ideology, only a desire for power-sharing
Balen Shah joined the RSP after Lamichhane proposed him as a future candidate for the post of prime minister. Ghising, on the other hand, quit the Ujyalo Nepal Party to join the RSP primarily to secure electoral victory in the upcoming elections. In effect, whether it is Balen, Kulman, or Ravi, all appear to have initiated this move under the influence or encouragement of the American deep state.
Soon after efforts began to consolidate the RSP, several Tarai-based political parties also initiated talks on unification and alliance. It is now widely assumed that even the Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML may forge an electoral alliance to safeguard their political relevance.
Whether it is the newly formed RSP bloc or the traditional political forces, both are committed to strengthening the existing constitution. Rakchya Bam, a product of the American Youth Council, has stated that she supports Balen Shah because of his stance in favor of republicanism, federalism, and secularism.
If there is no fundamental or drastic difference between the traditional forces and the newly emerged political actors, a burning question arises: why did such a large number of Gen Z demonstrators sacrifice their lives?
The Sudan Gurung group, reportedly supported by the Tibetan Origin Blood Group, has emerged as the main force commanding the Gen Z unrest. However, Miraj Dhungana—the principal initiator of the September 8 Gen Z uprising—remains on the streets, continuing the protest. He maintains that the movement was hijacked by the Sudan Gurung group.
The demands of the Miraj-led group include immediate action against those responsible for the killing of innocent youths on September 8 and 9; suspension of the present constitution; postponement of elections until constitutional amendments are made; abolition of provincial structures; dismissal of all political appointees and the appointment of new officials based on professional expertise and merit; and an end to corruption through the establishment of good governance.
Unfortunately, the Barba Adams government led by Sushila Karki has ignored the voice of this group.
In the end, both the traditional parties and the so-called “alternative” forces are heading into elections by forging alliances devoid of ideology, driven solely by the quest for power.
Change is inevitable, but no real transformation can be expected from the same old and people rejected political system—whether branded as old or new.




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