
By Rabi Raj Thapa
Ousted Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli called Prime Minister Sushila Karki an “unconstitutional prime minister.” His statement raised questions about the legitimacy of the current government. Who are the de jure rulers, and who are the de facto rulers of Nepal today? It is hard to say. Besides, there are deep-state elements and invisible power centers that Nepali people feel but cannot see with their naked eyes. This is the dilemma in the country today.
On the day of judgement, the organic Gen-Z came to the streets, but they were overwhelmed by a Monsanto-Gen-Z within a couple of hours. The organic Gen-Z had simple and genuine demands for corruption control and good governance, which vanished within hours as more over-aged, muscled Gen-Z on bullet motorbikes, expensive sunglasses, and professional gaits and demeanors appeared—looking like real goons. Now there are so many Gen-Z groups that they are either going to go extinct or start fighting against one another at any moment. This can be a bad omen for good Nepalis and another golden opportunity for the very elements Gen-Z sacrificed their lives to weed out.
It must be remembered that the Great King Prithvi Narayan Shah was also a Gen-Z—only 20—when he began the great campaign of Nepal’s unification. Coincidentally, the first Rana Prime Minister, Jung Bahadur Rana, was 29 years old when he captured state power and established a rule that lasted around 104 years. The September 9 mayhem that took 76 Nepalis, including a large number of the Gen-Z group’s lives, will be remembered as a Modern Kot Parva 2025, similar to the Kot Parva carried out by Jung Bahadur Rana, who slaughtered many war veterans who had fought and survived the 1814–18 war against British East India Company mercenaries.
Nepal’s veteran leader, Narayan Man Bijukche “Rohit,” described the repeatedly ousted former prime ministers—such as Sher Bahadur, Oli, and Prachanda—as rats hiding in holes, still licking their lips for power. Another prominent chartered accountant and Nepali thinker described the Gen-Z protests as a “revolution incomplete.”
It is surprising to see Gen-Z becoming more fragmented day by day, whereas the power-drunk figures of the past appear rejuvenated like a gang of revivalists.
Today, there are three major ideological forces actively working in Nepal. The oldest is the monarchist camp, which demonstrated its strength on March 28, 2025 but was brutally suppressed by the Oli government. They tried the same old tricks on the Gen-Z movement, in which they saved their lives but lost power, ill-gotten wealth, and prestige significantly. They are badly hurt but not completely defeated.
On the contrary, Gen-Z has become fragmented and splintered. They have voices but lack strong organization, money, and resources to fight against old, experienced, corrupt rulers who are well-versed in all dirty tricks and conspiracies.
Today, this is a question of the survival of the nation as a whole and the security of Nepal as a sovereign state entity—more than a matter of winning over each other in this conventional, dirty rat race.
People have now realized the role of the institution of monarchy in Nepal’s polity. A good number of Gen-Z have come forward in support of the institution of monarchy.
Whatever the future may hold, the ball is in the court of Gen-Z. They have vision, energy, and potential power. Let us hope all the splintered Gen-Z groups will come together and consolidate so they can deal with the gang of corrupt and proxy elements that are going to destroy Nepal sooner or later.




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