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By Narayan Prasad Mishra

Whatever name is given to a nation’s governing system—democracy, people’s rule, socialism, communism—simply assigning a label does not guarantee that the system will embody the meaning of that name. A name only acquires value if the system actually lives up to it. With Nepal’s successive political changes, what was once called prajatantra (people’s democracy) was renamed loktantra (democracy).

Although I studied civics and political science, I have never been able to grasp the real difference. Why was the name changed? What benefits did it bring? What did the newly named democracy (Loktantra) provide to the people that the earlier system had not or was not supposed to? To this day, I have not been able to determine the answer.

Later, Loktantra (Newly Named Democracy) was replaced by the republic. Since the centuries-old monarchy was abolished, I could at least understand why the new system was called a republic, as the system removed the monarchy. But decades have now passed under this arrangement, and the results are dismal. This new republic has not produced more “milk” than the monarchy, the people’s democracy, or even the Panchayati system. Instead of delivering good governance, development, public service, affordable food, or health care, it has created a situation where bribery is unavoidable in every office. No task is completed without greasing palms. That is why I have concluded that perhaps the true name of this system is “republic,” not in the noble sense, but in the corrupted sense it has come to represent.

I have also witnessed how people who were once as poor as the general masses, after becoming leaders under democracy and the republic, have grown fat with wealth, just as pigs grow fat when overfed. Their arrogance, lifestyle, and pomp are no less than those of tyrant kings, emperors, or Rana prime ministers. They have no time to meet the poor who come to pour out their pain, suffering, and injustice. Hearing such accounts from those who have tried to approach them, I was left thinking—so this is the republic.

But why was such a system necessary at all? In our country, anyone who raises such a question is branded reactionary by the millions of followers of democracy and the republic. Because of such rigid labeling and blind loyalty, I sometimes feel uneasy even speaking the truth.

With my simple mind, ordinary thinking, and limited knowledge, I cannot claim to know why this has happened. I have never had either love or hatred for any political name or ideology. Whether monarchy, constitutional monarchy, prajatantra, democracy, republic, or any other form of governance—the name itself has never felt distasteful to me. Whatever the name, if the system ensures human rights, freedom of speech and expression, liberty, equality, justice, and corruption-free development and prosperity for all, I feel no need to fight or oppose it. But when these elements are absent—whether under monarchy, Panchayat, or today’s republic—I have not been able to remain silent. That is why I have written articles of protest and resistance, arguing that while the system is called a republic (ganatantra), in reality it is nothing more than a loot-tantra (rule of plunder).

Over the last five years in particular, I have written more than 230 weekly articles in the English-language newspaper People’s Review—living proof of my opposition. Yet even after all these years, when I see that the country has not moved in the direction of my writing, I sometimes tell myself that my thoughts and words are of no use—that my knowledge has “expired,” that it is obsolete, with no utility, value, or need.

And then, suddenly, rebellion erupted in the country on September 9 and 10, 2025. I saw the leaders and cadres of democracy and the republic scatter like mice diving into holes at the sight of a cat, or like deer fleeing in terror at the sight of a tiger. What stunned me even more was learning that this uprising was led by young people—just entering adulthood, barely into their youth, what is called Gen. Z. This was not only astonishing, it was profoundly astonishing. To realize that the voice of rebellion in my 82-year-old heart and mind was now rising in the hearts and minds of young leaders three-quarters of my age filled me not only with astonishment but also with a strange joy. I was happy. I rejoiced.

It is not only my conscience but also these young people who cannot accept the corruption, loot, misrule, disorder, nepotism, and favoritism that dominate today’s democracy and republic. But let us not deceive ourselves: this system has not survived solely because of corrupt leaders and their cronies. It has also been kept alive by the majority of citizens, who repeatedly elect them without evaluation. People do not ask how much good they have done. How much harm? Millions of selfish or ignorant citizens, unable to distinguish truth from falsehood, righteousness from sin, right from wrong, vote based on personal connections or self-interest, without regard for the public good. That is why the country has reached this point.

Even more damaging, voters are misled by loud, hollow slogans of public welfare blared through loudspeakers, leading them to elect members of parliament who act as obedient servants of corrupt leaders. These MPs become like slaves and attendants—unable to raise the voice of truth, blind like the mythical Dhritarashtra, who could not see reality. Because of such MPs, our democracy and republic have degenerated into a loot-tantra.

The recent youth rebellion has resulted in an interim government under caretaker prime minister Sushila Karki, who does not see any need to change the constitution and the system. So, the constitution and system remain the same. The same parties, leaders, cadres, wealthy elites, and power groups still dominate. In such a situation, regardless of what name the system bears, it is neither practical nor wise to expect that Nepalis will enjoy good governance and genuine democracy.

To establish a true democracy with order and good governance for the benefit of the masses, constitutional reform and state restructuring are unavoidable. Without them, this goal cannot be achieved. However, political forces that do not want their privileges disturbed or their pleasures of power taken away will certainly resist. Unless this reality is addressed, no matter how ideal or noble the purpose, reforms will not emerge.  

Only if the millions of party cadres stop being blind devotees and obedient servants of corrupt leaders, and instead become true servants and fighters for the nation and the people—upholding truth and principle according to their party’s declared ideal policies—will the story be different. Otherwise, the republic will remain nothing more than a plunderous caricature of its name as before.

Let us see what fate has in store for Nepal. Will we live in a genuine, benevolent democracy? Or will leaders and cadres continue to enjoy the comforts of a system that is, in reality, nothing more than a loot-tantra, leaving ordinary citizens as its victims?

narayanshanti70@gmail.com