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By Rabi Raj Thapa

There is a new government in Nepal. This is not a military government, but the government is formed by President Ramchandra Paudel with military assistance. Therefore, there is no military rule in Nepal, but the government is firmly backed by military rule.

Today, the founders of the federal system of Nepal are totally sidelined by two forces. The first is Gen-Z, who swept away all power and energy of the pioneers of Federal Nepal within 36 hours. Had the SOS call failed in the PM’s residence in Baluwatar, Nepal would have had the first assassinated Prime Minister after Bhimsen Thapa, Mathbarsingh Thapa, and Ranodip Singh. In those cases, the PMs were assassinated by political adversaries backed by the royal family with their consent or approval. The purpose of those coups used to be the transfer of power from one favorite courtier to another favored by the King or Queen Regent.

The Gen-Z coup was different in that manner. The Gen-Z movement threw away the democratically elected government and pushed the politically passive Nepali Army into action against federal Congress and Communist leaders, who were no less than dictators ruling their countries as their fiefdoms.

Now, the present government is like a lamb surrounded by three predators. The first is the six-month time frame to hold elections, which is just a self-proclaimed death wish of the Gen-Z–chosen Prime Minister, Sushila Karki. The second is the badly hurt and humiliated political party leaders like Oli, Deuba, and the less-hurt Prachanda, who have no alternative or intention except to attempt a kamikaze counterattack against this government and reinstate their lost parliament. And the third force is the Nepali Army in case the first two options fail and lead to a possible recurrence of a Gen-Z-type revolt, which is unfortunately most likely to happen in the coming days.

The most surprising, if not objectionable, thing that the Sushila government has done is to shun its responsibility to bring to justice the culprits who killed innocent Gen-Z protesters, the criminals who looted police weapons, and the arsonists who burned the Supreme Court, Singha Durbar, Bhat-Bhateni, and many other public and private buildings. It is amazing that the President formed a commission and immunized the Prime Minister and Home Minister, who dared to throw all blame and responsibility on Nepal Police IGP Chandrakuber Khapung and Intelligence Chief Hutaraj Thapa for leaving the valley.

These were the same Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak who used brutal force to suppress the monarchists’ public assembly at Tinkune on 28 March 2025. Then they used disproportionate force and terrorized and indicted the people for treason and organized crime. In Nepal, it is only the Home Minister and the Ministry of Home Affairs that are solely responsible for maintaining internal security and public law and order. Chief District Officers, the Home Secretary, and the Home Minister are directly responsible and the authority above the IGP and the Chief of the Intelligence Office.

There is an old proverb: “boka le galti garyo, bakhra ko kan katne” (punish the she-goat while the offender is the he-goat). This has become customary for all successive Nepal governments to ventilate public anger by formulating an inquiry commission and suspending top-level police officers in any incident of public concern. It is the Chief District Officer and the Home Secretary who should be suspended.

This type of action and attitude reflects the biased approach of the commission. This is not the first case where such commissions have targeted only law-enforcement officials. During the first public revolt (Pratham Jana Andolan – 1990), the Mullik Commission targeted mostly police officers. During the second people’s uprising of 2005–06, another inquiry commission chaired by Supreme Court Judge Krishna Jung Rayamajhi also did the same. In 2006, the government suspended top officials of Nepal Police, the Armed Police Force, and the National Investigation Department before the report was completed. On the contrary, it rewarded the responsible Chief District Officer, and the Home Minister was later elevated to become the Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Nepal.

This is Amazing Nepal (Ajaab Nepal). Everything is possible here. Police personnel have never had any luck earning a good name in Nepal. The only problem or worry is that erratic decisions and judgments of the commissions can tarnish the credibility of highly respected commission heads such as Justice Janardan Mullik, Krishna Jung Rayamajhi, and currently Gauri Bahadur Karki.