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By Our Reporter

Nepal’s political parties are facing a crisis of identity and cohesion, a result of both internal divisions and the broader pressure of a Gen Z-led political awakening. Since the dissolution of the House of Representatives on August 24, traditional parties like the Nepali Congress, UML, Maoist Center, Unified Socialist, Rastriya Swatantra Party, and Nagarik Unmukti Party have found themselves struggling to stay relevant in a rapidly shifting political landscape. Public trust, once taken for granted, is now being tested, and internal disputes have only widened the gap between leadership and members.

The Nepali Congress, one of the country’s oldest parties, is divided over the timing of its 15th General Convention. Leaders like Gagan Thapa and Bishwo Prakash Sharma want the convention before the March 5 elections, arguing that leadership changes cannot wait. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba’s camp insists it should follow the polls. This deadlock has repeatedly postponed Central Committee meetings and left party members frustrated. The issue is no longer just about procedure—it reflects deeper uncertainty about who will define the party’s future and how it will reconnect with voters.

In the UML, pressure on Chairperson KP Sharma Oli to step down has grown since losing power, but Oli resists. The party has scheduled a General Convention in December to resolve leadership disputes. Earlier debates about former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s political role have cooled, but her potential influence in the convention underscores lingering factional tensions.

The Maoist Center and Unified Socialist are attempting a merger, but internal disagreements threaten the plan. Leaders like Janardan Sharma are calling for Pushpa Kamal Dahal to step aside, warning that a rushed unification could repeat past communist failures. Others, including Narayan Kaji Shrestha, urge broader left unity but caution against hasty decisions. In the Unified Socialist, senior leaders such as Jhalanath Khanal and Ram Kumari Jhakri oppose the merger, deepening dissatisfaction and leaving some members open to returning to UML, though only under certain conditions.

Newer parties are not immune. The Rastriya Swatantra Party has faced turmoil after the arrest of its chair, Rabi Lamichhane. Leadership disputes, resignations, and accusations of sidelining reformist voices have eroded its internal stability. Smaller parties like Janamat and Nagarik Unmukti are splitting into factions, reflecting a wider trend of dissatisfaction with existing leadership structures. Even Netra Bikram Chand’s Nepal Communist Party is experiencing fragmentation.

Amid these fractures, some leaders are exploring a new political front. Former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai is reportedly in talks with figures from Congress, UML, Maoist Center, and RSP to form a coalition of progressive-minded leaders. This indicates a growing appetite for alternatives that can respond to Gen Z’s demand for accountability, transparency, and new political approaches.

In conclusion, internal discord has exposed how vulnerable Nepal’s established parties have become. The Gen Z movement has not just challenged governments; it has questioned party relevance itself. Unless parties address these divisions and rebuild trust, they risk being sidelined entirely. For now, the political scene is in flux, offering space for fresh coalitions and new leadership to emerge. The question is whether traditional parties will adapt quickly or continue to be defined by their internal conflicts.