
By P.R. Pradhan
There is a saying that the morning shows the day. The Gen-Z government, formed under the leadership of former Chief Justice and “Gen-Z mother” Sushila Karki, has now completed nearly two months out of its six-month tenure. Karki assumed office as Prime Minister of the interim government following the Gen-Z revolution of September 7 and 8, which sought to dismantle the old regime, end corruption, ensure good governance, take immediate action against corrupt political leaders and senior officials, remove politically appointed officials in the constitutional bodies, and introduce a directly elected executive system. The movement also demanded the suspension of the existing constitution, among other sweeping reforms.
However, Prime Minister Karki, who had earlier pledged to bring to justice those responsible for the killing of youths during the protests, has yet to fulfill that commitment. In several interviews before assuming office, she had claimed that rampant corruption could be eradicated within five days, but she now appears to have abandoned that conviction.
Her tenure has been marked by contradictions. While she initially vowed to uphold the 2015 Constitution, she later dissolved the House of Representatives in violation of its provisions—an act that has landed her in legal controversy. According to the constitution, she is not eligible to serve as Prime Minister of an interim government. Karki, however, maintains that her appointment was made in accordance with the mandate of the Gen-Z revolution, though she also insists that her authority is constrained by the existing constitutional framework.
Karki has stated that her main priority is to hold elections scheduled for March 5, 2026, and that her powers are limited to managing the electoral process. Consequently, she has expressed regret to Gen-Z activists for her inability to fulfill their broader demands.
This has created a serious dilemma: Is Prime Minister Karki adhering to the constitution, or is she honoring the revolution that brought her to power?
Several petitions have been filed in the Supreme Court challenging both the dissolution of the House of Representatives and Karki’s appointment. These cases remain under review. Given perceptions that the Supreme Court is influenced by judges affiliated with the Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, speculation abounds that the Court could nullify both her appointment and the House dissolution. The Court’s recent interim order halting the recall of ambassadors from eleven countries has further fueled expectations of similar rulings against the government.
K.P. Sharma Oli, who was ousted from the premiership following the deadly September 7 uprising, remains optimistic that the House will be reinstated. Consequently, the UML chairman has not yet begun preparations for the upcoming elections.
Had Karki suspended the constitution while forming the interim government, she would have enjoyed the latitude to implement the Gen-Z movement’s agenda. Instead, by retaining the existing constitution and committing to hold elections within six months—by March 5, 2026—she effectively curtailed her own authority.
Now, the situation has reached an impasse: there is neither an environment conducive to elections nor tangible progress toward fulfilling the aspirations of the Gen-Z revolution, which claimed 76 lives, including 42 Gen-Z demonstrators.
Karki has failed to take action against those responsible for the shootings of Gen-Z protesters, and the corrupt figures exposed by the movement remain untouched. Moreover, doubts are growing about her ability to conduct the promised elections.
As a result, the Gen-Z revolution appears to be losing momentum, while the same corrupt political leaders and bureaucrats it sought to uproot are gradually regaining influence.




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