By Rabi Raj Thapa

Analyzing the Gen-Z revolution from social and political perspectives reveals that it was a major, sudden, and typically violent alteration in government, along with its associated institutions and structures. It was almost unbelievable to witness Nepal’s three top political leaders being compared to dogs, the prime minister being rescued by an army helicopter to an undisclosed location, and others hiding like rats.

The first casualties of the Gen-Z revolution were the 45 ill-fated students and civilians whom the present government has rightly declared martyrs. According to reports, a total of 76 people were killed—22 protesters, three police personnel, and ten prisoners among them. In addition, many young people sustained serious injuries, and some remain hospitalized. It is now the government’s duty and responsibility to care for them as well.

Amidst all this, it is disheartening that the police personnel who were lynched and brutally killed have received the least attention and priority from the government and the concerned ministry. Among all of Nepal’s security forces, the Nepal Police are always at the forefront—whether it be in crime control, crowd management, or riot response. Therefore, much depends on the new Inspector General of Police (IGP) and his leadership, as he assumes office within a few days, to steer the institution forward.

A crucial factor affecting local security is the cooperation and coordination between the Nepal Police and the Metropolitan Police, as well as between the Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force—since they are often deployed simultaneously, in the same locations, and with similar mandates.

Since the promulgation of the Federal Constitution, collaboration and cooperation in law enforcement among the federal, provincial, and local governments have suffered, disrupting transparency, harmony, and coordination—even within the same institutions.

Most importantly, the Nepal Police today face the growing challenge of retaining personnel amid increasing cases of early resignation and desertion. The current government’s performance has been disappointingly slow and clumsy in addressing security policy issues and in preparing adequate security plans for the forthcoming elections.

The political transformation of 2008—from a Hindu Monarchical Nation to a Secular Federal Republic—shifted Nepal’s security paradigm from a traditional monarchy to a hybrid system, where the President serves as the de jure Supreme Commander of the Army and other security agencies, while executive power rests with the Prime Minister. Since then, Nepal has struggled to mobilize the Nepal Army effectively.

At this critical juncture, Nepal’s security agencies are trapped in an increasingly complex political quagmire that has weakened both the Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force, and reduced the National Investigation Department to one of its lowest points ever.

If Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s government fails to strengthen professional efficiency and define clear, proportionate, and effective roles for security agencies, Nepal risks descending into a maze of conflict and violence in the near future—there should be no doubt about that.

The government must learn from the tragic incidents of March 28, 2025, at Tinkune, and the September 8–9 Gen-Z protests—where poor assessment and the decision to use excessive force led to disastrous consequences.

In today’s context, national security fundamentally means the security of the population. For Nepal’s security institutions to function effectively, the government must fully support security initiatives and ensure adequate resources for training, infrastructure development, and operational mobilization.

Finally, all security stakeholders must contribute equally to managing the overall tempo of activities, reducing violence, and creating a conducive environment for socio-political stability. Once stability is restored and consolidated, power can then be transferred to a permanent, effective, and legitimate civilian government following the successful elections scheduled for March 5, 2026.