By Deepak Joshi Pokhrel

At present, there is only one question wherever one goes. Whether it is a coffee talk at Kathmandu-based hotels or a Chautari (a public place where people gather to discuss social, cultural, and environmental issues) discussion in villages, the question remains whether the interim government will be able to conduct the election as per its commitment. However, the discussion ends inconclusively, with some stating that it will be conducted within the stipulated time, while others argue that it is a little difficult given the existing situation. In plain words, a lot remains uncertain between then and now, and is the country prepared for the election in such a short time in terms of security, logistics and broad participation?  

The Gen Z campaign that started on social media evolved into a revolution. It toppled the government under the leadership of former PM KP Oli, paving the way for the formation of a new government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki. Post oath-taking ceremony, the interim government announced that the next general election will be held on March 5, 2026.

The election, in any democratic setup, is its prerequisite. It gives fresh oxygen to democracy, enabling people to retain the leaders they like and unseat those they dislike. This is the beauty of democracy. But there is a common refrain among the political parties, mainly Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and Maoist Center, that they will not take part in the election scheduled for 5 March, 2026.

Following the recent dissolution of the parliament, the political parties are expressing serious reservations, saying it is unconstitutional and undemocratic. This has created a rift between the interim government and the major political parties. For any successful election, there must not be a trust deficit between the ruling government and the political parties.

When we assess our experience with democracy, we will find that mutual trust between the ruling government and political parties is essential to conduct the election in a free and impartial manner. It is the responsibility of the government to consult the political parties and other stakeholders to conduct free and fair elections. But a highly placed report says the interim government led by Sushila Karki refrained from directly reaching out to the political parties represented in the dissolved House of Representatives and instead entrusted the ceremonial president with the job.

While the gap between the interim government and major political parties is widening, the issue related to the election of the head of the government is adding to the confusion. The key demand of the recent Gen Z movement was a directly elected head of the government. But it is still unclear and indecisive whether we want a directly elected head of the government. The interim government cannot afford to upset Gen Z and their key demands. This is a grave challenge before the interim government.

Another critical issue that has been at the core of the discussion is federalism. Right from day one, the issue of federalism has been contested at several levels. The advocates of anti-federalism have been arguing that federalism is unviable given our economy.  They hold the view that the country was federated not with the purpose of acting as a bridge between local government and the federation. But the country was federated with the purpose of accommodating the cadres of the political parties. Given our experience with federalism, their argument cannot be ruled out altogether.

As a responsible institution, the Election Commission of Nepal is reported to have intensified its effort to conclude the election within the given time frame. From resuming voter registration and holding consultations with political parties and security agencies to planning a green and cost-effective election, the commission is working around the clock to build public confidence and coordination among stakeholders. Despite the optimum efforts on the part of EC, doubts still persist whether the election will be concluded in the given time frame. With around 200 police officers lost in the recent arson, around 300 partially damaged and hundreds of vehicles torched, the current capacity of police is insufficient to hold the election. Likewise, the government plans to raise NRS 100 billion for the upcoming election, and the reconstruction of damaged public properties looks very ambitious given the short time frame.

One key persistent problem is the inability of voters to cast a vote from outside their constituency. Over the years, it has remained a key problem with our democracy. This is not to say that it cannot be addressed. It can. But within such a short stipulated time frame, it also poses a grave threat. On the other hand, we also have the problem with the late stocktaking of our resources and even later demand for necessary resources. For instance, there are insufficient ballot printing machines at the EC, and it is always a problem to procure them overnight. The case of transport is no different. We should not procure vehicles at the last moment when we can anticipate the need for smooth transfer of ballot papers, boxes and voters lists.

No doubt, these are key challenges faced by the interim government to hold the election within the given time frame. But these challenges can be addressed if the interim government remains committed to fulfilling its promise. The March 2026 election will be the litmus test for many parties, as it could mark the end of them and at the same time offer a space for new forces led by youth laying the lasting transformation in the country.