By Shashi P.B.B. Malla

Nepal’s eastern, southern and western borders were negotiated at the time with the British East India Company, whereas the northern border was determined  down after the People’s Republic of China (PRC) came into existence in 1949.

Until then, the northern border was not really demarcated, still Nepal enjoyed close and cordial relations with the Middle Kingdom.

Prithvi Narayan Shah the Great, the founder of modern Nepal was a formidable visionary, and he was aware of the indubitable geopolitical fact that Nepal was sandwiched between two powerful and giant neighbours.

He was also truly aware that such a buffer state cannot be a chooser – it cannot choose its neighbours.

It must keep both giants at a distance, or both just as close, i.e., it must follow a foreign policy of strict equidistance.

Whereas China has to a great extent respected Nepal’s stance of neutrality and non-alignment in the Sino-Indian border conflict, policy- and decision-makers have been less willing to accept Nepal’s position.

Right from India’s independence in 1947, their architects of foreign policy and national security, Pandit Jawarharlal Nehru and Sardar Vallabhai Patel considered not only Nepal, but also the other Himalayan Kingdoms Sikkim and Bhutan little more than Indian dependencies, i.e., within the Indian defence perimeter and within the Indian region of influence.

Thus the Indian establishment had no compunction to interfere in Nepal internal affairs.  

This went to such an extent that many Nepali politicians became handmaidens of Indian policy.

Many Nepali politicians have no respect for Nepali identity, let alone for Nepal’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

In such an atmosphere, it was easy for Nepali decision makers to allow the Indian Army to set up so-called security posts all over Nepal’s northern border to China, after India’s colossal debacle in the Sino-Indian border war in October 1962.

This included the Indian security post in Kalapani, lying east of the Mahakali River and in Nepalese territory.

Later, at Nepali requests, all these Indian security border posts were withdrawn – with the exception to that of Kalapani. There was no explanation – neither from the the Nepali, nor Indian side.

The Nepali central government in Kathmandu completely forgot about Kalapani, and more or less, also ignored the far western regions – most of the time.

The previous Oli government suddenly discovered that the territories of Limpiyadhura, Lipulekh and Kalapani actually are sovereign Nepalese territory, and incorporated them in a new map, and the new map in the Constitution itself!

As if this would negate what Indian has illegally done and is continuing to do, and also make good all the years of Nepali government negligence!

Obviously, Oli’s cartographic state craft has failed miserably.

Nepal’s needs innovative and skilled diplomacy to crack such a hard nut – but don’t expect too much from the corrupt Himalayan Republic.

Nepal can move bilaterally and multilaterally to get international recognition of bona fide Nepalese territory under International Law.

In return, Nepal would indeed allow bilateral Sino-Indian border trade – but for a price.

The writer can be reached at:

shashimalla125@gmail.com