By Devendra Gautam A Constitution is not something written in stone, it is not some scripture frozen in time. Rather, it is a living document, a document of compromise that is not immune from the winds of change that blow quite strongly and all too often in our part of the globe. As times change, the makers of a constitution or their successors have to make timely changes in it without compromising on its basic tenets if they want the supreme law of the land governing all organs of the state as well as themselves to remain relevant. Nepal’s newest charter, the sixth in a space of roughly 70 years, is not—and cannot be—an exception. As for governments that have come and gone during the same period, we the Nepalis have lost count of them. Nine years have gone by since the Constituent Assembly, in its second term, promulgated the constitution of a federal, secular and democratic Nepal, in a massive departure from the unitary system, amid rough weather marked by protests from sections of the national population and displeasure from the next-door neighbor. Looking back, the system stood pretty shakily on the twin pillars of multiparty democracy and constitutional monarchy on a seismic fault-zone, thanks to endemic corruption, a war, dynastic rules both of the royals and champions of democracy, rising public discontent and desires for change, even as foreign ‘friends’ kept trying to muddy the waters and fish in them. A series of street protests and considerable support from near and far-off shores worked wonders at that time also and a floundering regime came tumbling down, nearly two decades after the partyless Panchayat system toppled amid the winds of change in East Europe, marked, among other events, by the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Soviet pullout from Afghanistan and the breakup of the Soviet Union, making way for multiparty democracy and constitutional monarchy. Nearly a decade after the promulgation of the charter that aimed to institutionalize democracy and republicanism by bringing the government at the doorsteps of the people living in far-flung areas in particular, things seem to have gotten worse from bad. The uprooting of a homegrown institution in the name of revolution has actually strengthened the stranglehold of foreign powers in Nepal, further weakening a shaky state with each passing day. In the place of Narayanhiti have come several foreign palaces that are far more powerful, and capable of pushing Nepal deeper and deeper into an unprecedented crisis. There’s also a growing feeling among the public that select politicians representing the major political parties, which seem to represent one foreign power or the other rather than the Nepali people, can get away with anything, including policy-level corruption, in one of the world’s oldest countries and the youngest banana republic. For public consumption, these politicians bicker over petty things, only to come together to save their skin when fresh corruption scandals come to the surface, contributing to their infamy. Federalism, which was supposed to take the government to the doorsteps, is proving to be very costly, with people having to feed the inhabitants of newly-built Singhadurbars (Lion Palaces) at the provinces by paying exorbitant taxes to the centre, the provinces and the local levels. Speaking just a few days ago in the business and industry hub of Biratnagar, the Prime Minister tried to clarify that Nepal’s taxes were not ‘exorbitant’, but it’s the wearer who knows where the shoe pinches. What one gets to hear more often than not is that the rulers from the Centre have let the lions loose among hapless sections of the society instead of extending the benevolent hand of the state in this country ‘geared toward socialism, as the charter puts it. Not only have they let the famished beasts loose, they even engage in quarrels with subordinate lions every now and then. A case in point is a recurring war of words between the country’s chief executive and the Kathmandu mayor. What’s more, our federal experiment has mostly been about managing plum jobs at the provinces for cadres of different political parties and not about devolving power. Whenever there’s a change of guard at the center, provincial governments also topple, deepening a chronic political instability and disenchanting the people further and further. Governments come and go, but with every new government comes significant changes in policies. Such policy departures are very dangerous for a relatively small, instability- and corruption-plagued country like Nepal, especially at a time when the world is in a state of flux. All these factors are pushing a considerable number of people with mind, muscle and money abroad—for jobs, for an education and even for permanent settlement—making population dividend a chimera for Nepal and turning the country into a wasteland. The fallout of this exodus is evident, especially in rural areas of the country where fields are lying fallow and even sparsely-populated areas are thinning further, with women, children and senior citizens having to fend for themselves. Blurred and violated borders have become a safe conduit for unabated demographic aggression from a restive neighbourhood, with severe ramifications for national defence, security and sovereignty. This does not bode well for a polity. Therefore, the parties represented in the Parliament, particularly the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, the two largest parties, should wake up and act before things slip out of their hands. Amending the constitution may be necessary—by taking the whole country into confidence through long and engaging discussions with every section of the society on every topic—but it is equally necessary for Nepal’s political leaders to mend ways.