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By Rabi Raj Thapa

It is said that after the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, Bangabandhu and Father of the Nation Sheikh Mujib Rahaman remodelled Bangladesh – socially, economically and politically. After his return to Dhaka, Sheikh Mujib Rahaman created a quota for freedom fighters, “Mukti Joddahs” and allocated a quota for Bangladeshi women who had been tortured by the Pakistani military. Later the quota was extended to underrepresented sections of society, women, and people from underdeveloped areas and ethnic minority tribes.

After the death of freedom fighters, these reservations were given to the children and then grandchildren of the freedom fighters. Then it became a prerogative of the Awami League supporters, loyalists and political activists to get government positions within the bureaucracy to ensure the continuation of the power of the Awami League’s rule. Ultimately, the resumption of the quota issue became the ultimate fall and flight of four times prime minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh. When the quota system, existing since the 1970s was challenged by a petition in the court, which the Bangladesh High Court rejected on March 8, 2018. Reacting to all these, PM Hasina adamantly declared she would maintain the quote which triggered the real agitations that dethroned her from power.

In Nepal, however, there is no declared quota system, but it is there like a snake in the grass. Since the political change of 2006 almost each of the government and semi-government appointments through quotas allocated for major political parties individually selected by their party leaders. These trends were first introduced by the then prime minister Girija Prashad Koirala and is continuing unabated by governments in succession whether it is Sher Bahadur Deuba or K P Oli or comrade Pushpa Kamal Dahal “Prachanda”.

Hence, Bangladeshi “quota” can be taken as synonymous with the Nepali parlance of “hamro manche” in Nepal.  Now, the time will show when and how Nepali people will react against the Nepali quota system and in what way. One day, these immoral and corrupt practices of “hamro manche” as against “ramro manche” must end otherwise it will definitely backfire on the system as a whole.

Although people highly criticize heredity monarchy, it is interesting to see the transfer of political legacy to their family members. For example, Sheikh Hasina joined politics when her entire family was brutally massacred except for her and her sister in 1975. Her arch political opponent Khalida Zia also entered politics when her husband President Zia-ur-Rahaman was assassinated in 1981. Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi entered politics only after his politically ambitious brother Sanjaya Gandhi died in a plane crash and his mother was assassinated in 1984. In Pakistan, political assassination and killing are too normal. Former Pakistani prime minister Julfikar Ali Bhutto was executed by the state authority; his son Murtaza Bhutto was killed by a gunman his daughter, former prime minister Benjir Bhutto was assassinated also in a rally.

One important observation is that many heads of state take flight as the best way to save their lives after they fall from grace and state power. For example, Iranian monarch Shah Pahlavi had to flee from his country by helicopter when his regime failed in January 1979. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani fled from Kabul to save his life in August 2021. Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his brother Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa fled when Sri Lankan people stormed their palace in July 2022. Lastly, it is Sheikh Hasina who had to leave everything behind just to save her life on Monday, August 5.

Now, let us hope such days will never come to any Nepali in days to come.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect People’s Review’s editorial stance.