View from America


Taliban's victory sweep in Afghanistan. Photo: Asia Times
As CNN reports, the Taliban have seized their fifth – their sixth, according to BBC - Afghan provincial capital in a matter of days. “A string of victories that come as foreign forces, led by the United States complete their withdrawal from Afghanistan…The speed of the militants’ gains, which include the major city of Kunduz, has compounded concerns about the civilian toll. At least, 27 children have been killed and 136 injured over the past 72 hours in Afghanistan, the United Nations Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) said in a statement Monday.” CNN also reported that, in the past week, the U.S. has increased airstrikes against Taliban positions in a bid to halt their advances. The Taliban has, for its part, accused the United States of bombing a hospital and a high school, along with other targets in Helmand Province. CNN stated it could not independently verify Taliban claims. BBC reports, meanwhile, that the Taliban has rejected international calls for a ceasefire. They have rapidly captured large swathes of countryside and are now targeting towns and cities, it confirms. Following the Taliban’s capture of the first Afghan regional capital of Zarang, BBC, in its reporting on 6 August, quoted the U.N’s special envoy for Afghanistan, Deborah Lyons, saying that the war there had entered a “new, deadlier and more destructive phase” with more than 1,000 civilians killed in the past month. She warned that the country was heading for a “catastrophe” and called on the United Nations Security Council to issue “an unambiguous statement that attacks against cities must stop now.” Incidentally, on the same day, the U.K. government advised all its citizens in Afghanistan to leave because of the worsening security situation, even as, in Kabul, the Taliban shot dead Afghan Ashraf Ghani’s former spokesman and carried out a bomb attack on the acting defence minister. While it is inevitable that the ‘fog of war’ would obscure many details of the Taliban blitzkrieg coming to light – or all corresponding activities of the U.S.-led forces – other key political and diplomatic developments, in and outside Afghanistan, are hardly shrouded in mystery. Thus, according to Karachi’s Dawn newspaper, 5 August, the United States went public with its call for Pakistan to keep its borders with Afghanistan open for Afghan refugees – a demand that would clearly overload the already strained relations between the two countries. Though it was only predictable that Pakistan would push back against such a proposal – in fact, National Security Adviser Moeed Yusuf told a press briefing in Washington last week that arrangements should be made to keep the displaced Afghans inside their country instead of pushing them into Pakistan – Turkey, too, has reportedly emphasized that the U.S. plans for third countries to resettle Afghans would cause “a huge migration crisis in the region.” Earlier elsewhere, Sudharshan Ramabardan gushed in the Deccan Herald, 3 August, not only that for the first time Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi would preside over the United Nations Security Council – as India has assumed its presidency for the month of August 2021 – but even predicted that India would advance “its quest for a permanent seat in the UNSC” by exhibiting that India is “a force for global good” during its presidency. However, that proud claim soon proved to be pretty hollow, as exposed by Pakistan’s U.N. Ambassador Munir Akram (brother of Zamir Akram, Pakistan’s Ambassador to Nepal in the early 2000s) who, as per Dawn, called a press conference in New York, 6 August, and disclosed: “We made a formal request for participation in the United Nations Security Council’s emergency meeting on Afghanistan but was denied (by India).” Akram revealed that Pakistan, as a neighbouring country with a direct stake in peace in Afghanistan, had formally requested the UNSC president for August (India) for an opportunity to address the Council at that meeting to discuss the rising violence in Afghanistan. He further informed that the said meeting was called after the Afghan Foreign Minister Haneef Atmar spoke to Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar in the wake of the Taliban’s assault on major cities and an attack on the residence of the Defence Minister. He then lamented: “Obviously, we do not expect fairness from the Indian presidency, for Pakistan.” Now, before concluding this segment, I wish to recall telling observations by Anne-Marie Slaughter, CEO New America, and Ian Bremmer, head of Eurasia Group, and a political scientist of repute. Slaughter, in a CNN TV interview with Fareed Zakaria, 8 August, said that she supported Biden’s decision to withdraw forces from Afghanistan, explaining that the Taliban had been on the ascendency for the past decade. The effort, presently, she argued should be on regional diplomacy. She did not think there would be a “serious blow-back to the U.S.” from the Taliban’s triumph in Afghanistan. Bremmer, on the other hand, opined that it was “too late for diplomacy”; that “China didn’t want us to leave Afghanistan” and that Beijing would, in any case, feel “the backlash” of the Taliban victory in Afghanistan. QUAD DREAMS Kevin Rudd is a well-known name in the community of China watchers/observers. A former Australian Prime Minister and ex-Foreign Minister, Rudd is a fluent Mandarin speaker and considered a leading international authority on China. Presently, he is President and CEO, Asia Society, New York. Despite such awesome credentials, I found his recent Foreign Affairs article ‘Why the Quad alarms China’ difficult to digest, particularly some key observations vis-à-vis India, including the strategic significance of the June 2020 Sino-Indian clashes in the Himalayas which he says has strengthened Quad. As most in South Asia well know, India was no match for China; not then, not in 1962. Besides, as Dawn columnist Saad Rasool recently reminded: “Serious policy circles, in Washington and across the globe, are asking what benefit India can provide in the Pacific (against the Chinese) if they cannot even retrieve any (claimed) territory from China. If its forces cannot face the Chinese military in Ladakh, can India really be expected to send warships to the South China Sea? Or into the deep blue waters of the Indian Ocean. Can it curtail or hinder the China Pakistan Economic Corridor route, when it is having trouble keeping the Chinese at bay in Sikkim? That aside, it is generally acknowledged that even in Southeast Asia India’s influence has in recent years plummeted, with China’s direct influence and that of the ethnic Chinese in the region being steadily on the rise – not to talk of the disastrous impact that Modi’s communal politics and infringements upon minority rights have generally had in the region, and beyond. Besides, apart from India’s incapacity to contribute meaningfully, in raw power terms, to the core Quad goal of containing China, in the wake of the utter disregard for India’s strategic goals in Afghanistan that the U.S. has just advertised, New Delhi would be wise to craft an enlightened China policy, cut her losses, resolve the never-ending boundary dispute, repair and cultivate ties with Beijing and thereby reap the benefits of durable peace and mutually advantageous cooperation. As far as Rudd’s write-up is concerned, it’s far too early to predict that the Quad will put an end to China’s rise and expanding global influence.
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