Krishna Bahadur Mahra’s acquittal Monday by the Supreme Court hardly pays put to wide ranging speculation on implications behind his incarceration. His release will have triggered even more insinuations on its impact. The former speaker has emerged from legal detention with further promise of serving the country, thus, himself insinuating that his case is associated with that service which would hint at conspiratorial fabrications beyond judicial machinations. One item that needs be discussed elsewhere is how a two decade old relationship that ultimately cost him his speaker’s seat could so easily expend with a former cadre’s reputation and family. The story of a political worker in shape of a teacher who could so easily develop and exploit a school juvenile needs be further explored in terms of its effects on Nepali society and the nitty gritty of political organization, recruitment, ideology and cadre activation. Mahra’s release cannot but trigger sympathies to the sacrificial goat that is the cadre whose charges of rape, later retracted, ultimately blew things out of proportions. If the case does not serve to trigger a re-think in the rank and file of the erstwhile Maoist organization, Mahra’s rededication to the cause of the nation espoused in his statement upon release should certainly do so. How so senior a party cadre can, as hinted, be victimized should jolt the rank and file. The myths of the Maoist revolution are being jolted. As, of course, will this scandal’s strange association with the Million Challenge Compact. By default perhaps, Prime Minister K.P. Oli has associated Mahra’s displacement by assuring publicly that the MCC will pass parliament when Mahra’s replacement will table it for resolution in the House. Inevitably perhaps, Oli’s confidence has triggered a cacophony of protests since the government’s party from which Oli and the current speaker as well as the unseated one all hail has yet to receive and act upon a report constituted by the NCP on the matter. For the lay cadre recruited on conventional hatred of ‘Indian Expansionism’ and ‘American Imperialism’ the current climes should be adequate enough to rethink the fundaments of their recruitment. After all this is the Nepal Communist Party we are talking about and this party is led in the party and in government by communist revolutionaries who retain their conventional loyalties to Marx and Mao in the course of which they claim the recruitment of the revolutionaries that succeeded in emerging as the largest party in parliament and outside. How these developments will impact in parliament and outside remain still a matter of conjecture in Nepal’s tipsy turvy politics. How it will impact in parliament and government becomes a matter of more immediate concern denying the people of any reprieve from the continual projections of change despite the party’s majority in parliament. Indeed, the prime minister’s public lamentations somehow spew a degree insecurity much removed from the security his parliamentary majority provides. Add to this the public statements of the other chairman of the prime minister’s party, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and the projection of insecurity is even more disconcerting. Comrade Prachanda, after years, professed once again the proximity of his revolution to the then leader of the Nepali Congress, Girija Koirala. How prime minister Koirala of the Congress and supreme leader of the revolution Comrade Prachanda could so work in tandem should send the minds of all democrats and communists reeling although of course the Congress is associating such ;charges’ as emanating from Prachanda’s insecurities provoking association with the ‘clean’ Girija. Party and leadership loyalties notwithstanding, it cannot surely be that the lay ideologue should still remain blind to the ramifications of these developments.