editThe de-mythification of Nepali politics is a close to impossible task since much of organized politics in this country is premised on these myths. The organized propagation of these myths facilitated artificial divisions that can only be effectively countered by equally organized public illumination of actualities. The biggest hindrance to this will be those whose contribution to the myths has given them the monopoly status in Nepali politics. Since their organized politics concentrates on the creation of this monopoly in the state, to discard these myths at this late stage of political development in the country would seem suicidal. Indeed, that their policies flounder all-round approaching failure outright stem from the fact that they are premised on myths and real development can only be based on truths. We are thus in a phase where our political monopolists desperately struggle to retain their stranglehold over an increasingly failing system. An exasperated population which now concludes that the political leadership has failed has overtly been seeking options. It is political for our political masters to deny them the options and retain the monopoly. The phase of adjustments to a system promised us by the supposed mass movement a decade ago has exhausted itself. The politics of riling dormant populations with the promise of self-rule in a new constitution has been exposed as mere organizational gimmick since the very population thus targeted has been denying the relevance of such strategies as that reflected in the supposed constitution augured in a year back. Demands for amendments at one end and elections at the other are self-contradictory and the government is aware of this. But the official response is to address both demands neither by playing the two against each other nor by putting the two together. Instead, election authorities are hammered with tall orders to prepare for elections when the fundaments for elections (where, when and how) remain mere discussions and not, as should be, by clear stipulation in laws. The world knows that the promised for constitution is stillborn, the reason being that the fundaments of constitutionalism have been ignored. The fact is that the monopoly will continues to remain as such unless the options emerge. It is not for nothing that government must lump C.K.Raut’s separatism and Viplav’s Maoism together since they at the moment persist in their organized presence against the system. The other left, Vaidya, Mohan Vikram Singh, Narayan Man Bijukche may find representation in the legislature. But, the general drift makes Vinlav’s option tempting to them. On the other hand, the Terai parties will find Raut’s option a logical corollary at the grass roots in the event of continued belligerence on part of our monopolists and until other viable options emerge. Sane voices in the Nepali Congress and the UML’s new nationalism must also concede that such options must emerge visibly prior to their changing their standpoints. When none other than the RPP continue to draw credence from their participation in the current system to expect the nationalist resurgence in the country to lure them by itself is wishful thinking. It is thus that one can appeal that one voice must emerge, the rejection of the system being imposed in order to break the current monopoly. All disenchanted by the myths prolonged by our monopolists must conclude that they are myths. All must begin again with their feet on firma terra.