Two points to be made. Outsourcing Nepali decision making that makes implementing difficult. From whosesoever sources, yet to be owned up to, the republican, federalist secular agenda was thrust upon Nepali constitution-making, implementation must necessarily be by Nepalis. The constitution that has yet to be implemented remains admittedly in the implementation phase because it has to be implemented in Nepal by the Nepalis. The fault of outsourcing lies here. This is the simple reason why the constitution was agreed to within closed doors by a select breed of politicians who allowed the outsourcing and this is why the constitution was rubber stamped by there whipped supporters in the constituent assembly which currently functions as legislature. The second point lies in the micro-managed Nepali politics that has led to the outsourcing. However micro managed our politics has allowed the country to be under, it will have to be the Nepalis who implement the constitution and the surrealist environs emanate out of the fact that the agenda set through outsourcing is far from being in accordance to Nepali reality. The result is in the excessive tampering of structures that threatens the country with the near total alienation of Nepali politics from the people. Yes, the constitution says that there is to be federalism, but once the borders are being drawn, the population is alienated. Yes, the federalist constitution wants to empower the villages and towns and regions, but the people were not consulted on how they are to be divided into villages and towns and regions. The terai is broiling. But when the implementation of the constitution also means elections at the local levels as well, there is more trouble brewing. The decision was outsourced and the population has only to be affected by it, they have not participated in the arbitrary drawing of maps for new townships, villages and regions. The regions reacted because the population was more organized. But what if the people at the local levels organize to react? This is what will happen. Already, the rumblings at the local levels are being underplayed both by our politics and their media. What this has done though is begin a process of revision of the number of village clusters. Opinion is being built up around the possibility of the new clusters being those delineated under the regional development plan. These ‘ilakas’ were to be the development feeders subsidiary to the growth centers of each region. Their location was built around each regional center. Having verily scrapped the regional growth centers and arbitrarily imposed the federal regions, these ‘ilakas’ will again have to be re-oriented towards what inevitably will be the federal capital. The science of the ‘ilakas’ as part of the regional growth centers will have been aborted already. The idea is to enable the village to act on its own. The belated dawning of realization that the villages are too small and too many for the center to enable them is conceptually at fault. This fault emanates from the federalist agenda which would have been at fault simply because the federalist agenda was foreign and not Nepali. Structural tampering of this type cannot but have malignant results.